2050, ISBN: 9781456448981

Edition reliée

Kennedy Galleries, Inc. / Da Capo Press, 1969. Hard Cover. Good/No Jacket. No jacket. 2 inch chip from top spine edge, shallow razor cut down front cover. 1969 Hard Cover. 478 pp. Front… Plus…

Kennedy Galleries, Inc. / Da Capo Press, 1969. Hard Cover. Good/No Jacket. No jacket. 2 inch chip from top spine edge, shallow razor cut down front cover. 1969 Hard Cover. 478 pp. Frontispiece of author after a portrait by himself. "John Singleton Copley (1738 - 1815) was an American painter, born presumably in Boston, Massachusetts and a son of Richard and Mary Singleton Copley, both Irish. He is famous for his portrait paintings of important figures in colonial New England, depicting in particular middle-class subjects. His paintings were innovative in their tendency to depict artifacts relating to these individuals' lives. Copley was fourteen or so and his step-father had recently died, when he made the earliest of his portraits now preserved, a likeness of his half-brother Charles Pelham, good in color and characterization though it has in its background accessories which are somewhat out of drawing. It is a remarkable work to have come from so young a hand. The artist was only fifteen when (it is believed) he painted the portrait of the Rev. William Welsteed, minister of the Brick Church in Long Lane, a work which, following Peter Pelham's practise, Copley personally engraved to get the benefit from the sale of prints. No other engraving has been attributed to Copley. A self-portrait, undated, depicting a boy of about seventeen in broken straw hat, and a painting of Mars, Venus and Vulcan, signed and dated 1754, disclose crudities of execution which do not obscure the decorative intent and documentary value of the works. Such painting would obviously advertise itself anywhere. Without going after business, for his letters do not indicate that he was ever aggressive or pushy, Copley was started as a professional portrait-painter long before he was of age. In October 1757, Capt. Thomas Ainslie, collector of the port of Quebec, acknowledged from Halifax the receipt of his portrait, which 'gives me great Satisfaction', and advised the artist to visit Nova Scotia 'where there are several people who would be glad to employ You.' This request to paint in Canada was later repeated from Quebec, Copley replying: 'I should receive a singular pleasure in excepting, if my Business was anyways slack, but it is so far otherwise that I have a large Room full of Pictures unfinished, which would ingage me these twelve months if I did not begin any others.' Besides painting portraits in oil, doubtless after a formula learned from Peter Pelham, Copley was a pioneer American pastellist. He wrote, on September 30, 1762, to the Swiss painter Jean-Étienne Liotard, asking him for 'a sett of the best Swiss Crayons for drawing of Portraits.' The young American anticipated Liotard's surprise 'that so remote a corner of the Globe as New England should have any demand for the necessary eutensils for practiceing the fine Arts' by assuring him that 'America which has been the seat of war and desolation, I would fain hope will one Day become the School of fine Arts.' The requested pastels were duly received and used by Copley in making many portraits in a medium suited to his talent. By this time he had begun to demonstrate his genius for rendering surface textures and capturing emotional immediacy. Copley's fame was established in England by the exhibition, in 1766, of The Boy with the Squirrel, which depicted his half-brother, Henry Pelham, seated at a table and playing with a pet squirrel. This picture, which made the young Boston painter a Fellow of the Society of Artists of Great Britain, by vote of September 3, 1766, had been painted the preceding year. Copley's letter of September 3, 1765, to Capt. R. G. Bruce, of the John and Sukey, reveals that it was taken to England as a personal favor in the luggage of Roger Hale, surveyor of the port of London. An anecdote relates that the painting, unaccompanied by name or letter of instructions, was delivered to Benjamin West (whom Mrs. Amory describes as then 'a member of the Royal Academy,' though the Academy was not yet in existence). West is said to have 'exclaimed with a warmth and enthusiasm of which those who knew him best could scarcely believe him capable, 'What delicious coloring worthy of Titian himself!'' The American squirrel, it is said, disclosed the colonial origin of the picture to the Pennsylvania-born Quaker artist. A letter from Copley was subsequently delivered to him. West got the canvas into the Exhibition of the year and wrote, on August 4, 1766, a letter to Copley in which he referred to Sir Joshua Reynolds's interest in the work and advised the artist to follow his example by making 'a viset to Europe for this porpase (of self-improvement) for three or four years.' West's subsequent letters were considerably responsible for making Copley discontented with his situation and prospects in a colonial town. Copley in his letters to West of October 13 and November 12, 1766 gleefully accepted the invitation to send other pictures to the Exhibition and mournfully referred to himself as 'peculiarly unlucky in Liveing in a place into which there has not been one portrait brought that is worthy to be call'd a Picture within my memory.' In a later letter to West, of June 17, 1768, he displayed a cautious person's reasons for not rashly giving up the good living which his art gave him. He wrote: 'I should be glad to go to Europe, but cannot think of it without a very good prospect of doing as well there as I can here. You are sensable that 300 Guineas a Year, which is my present income, is a pretty living in America... And what ever my ambition may be to excel in our noble Art, I cannot think of doing it at the expence of not only my own happyness, but that of a tender Mother and a Young Brother whose dependance is intirely upon me'. West replied on September 20, 1768, saying that he had talked over Copley's prospects with other artists of London 'and find that by their Candid approbation you have nothing to Hazard in Comeing to this Place.' The income which Copley earned by painting in the 1760s was extraordinary for his town and time. It had promoted the son of a needy tobacconist into the local aristocracy. The foremost personages of New England came to his painting-room as sitters. He married, on November 16, 1769, Sussannah Farnum Clarke, daughter of Richard and Elizabeth (Winslow) Clarke, the former being the very wealthy agent of the Honourable East India Company in Boston; the latter, a New England woman of Mayflower ancestry. The union was a happy one, and socially notable. Mrs. Copley was a beautiful woman of poise and serenity whose features are familiar through several of her husband's paintings. Copley had already bought land on the west side of Beacon Hill extending down to the Charles River. The newly-married Copleys, who would have six children, moved into 'a solitary house in Boston, on Beacon Hill, chosen with his keen perception of picturesque beauty'. It was on the approximately site of the present Boston Women's City Club. Here were painted the portraits of dignitaries of state and church, graceful women and charming children, in the mode of faithful and painstaking verisimilitude which Copley had made his own. The family's style of living at this period was that of people of wealth. John Trumbull told Dunlap that in 1771, being then a student at Harvard College, he called on Copley, who 'was dressed on the occasion in a suit of crimson velvet with gold buttons, and the elegance displayed by Copley in his style of living, added to his high repute as an artist, made a permanent impression on Trumbull in favor of the life of a painter.' In town and church affairs Copley took almost no part. He referred to himself as 'desireous of avoideing every imputation of party spirit. Political contests being neighther pleasing to an artist or advantageous to the Art itself.' His name appeared on January 29, 1771, on a petition of freeholders and inhabitants to have the powder house removed from the town whose existence it imperiled. Records of the Church in Brattle Square disclose that in 1772 Copley was asked to submit plans for a rebuilt meeting-house, and that he proposed an ambitious plan and elevation 'which was much admired for its Elegance and Grandure,' but which on account of probable expensiveness was not accepted by the society. Copley's sympathy with the politicians who were working toward American independence appears to have been genuine but not so vigorous as to lead him to participate in any of their plans. It was known to earlier biographers that Copley at one time painted portraits in New York City. The circumstances of this visit, which was supplemented by a few days in Philadelphia, were first disclosed through Prof. Guernsey Jones's discovery of many previously unpublished Copley and Pelham documents in the Public Record Office, London. From these letters and papers, published by the Massachusetts Historical Society in 1914, it appears that in 1768 Copley painted in Boston a portrait of Myles Cooper, president of King's College, who then urged his visiting New York. Accepting the invitation later, Copley, between June 1771 and January 1772, painted thirty-seven portraits in New York, setting up his easel 'in Broadway, on the west side, in a house which was burned in the great conflagration on the night the British army entered the city as enemies.' Copley's letters to Henry Pelham, whom he left in charge of his affairs in Boston, describe minutely the journey across New England, his first impressions of New York, which 'has more Grand Buildings than Boston, the streets much cleaner and some much broader,' and the successful search for suitable lodgings and a painting-room; thereafter they give detailed accounts of sitters and social happenings. The correspondence also contains Copley's careful instructions to Pelham concerning the features of a new house then being built on his Beacon Hill 'farm,' giving elevations and specifications of the addition of 'peazas' which the artist saw for the first time in New York. Copley at the time had a lawsuit respecting title to some of his lands. His letters reveal a man who allowed such disputes to worry him considerably. In September 1771, Mr. and Mrs. Copley visited Philadelphia, where, at the home of Chief Justice William Allen, they 'saw a fine Coppy of the Titian Venus and Holy Family at whole length as large as life from Coregio'. On their return journey they viewed at New Brunswick, New Jersey several pictures attributed to van Dyck. 'The date is 1628 on one of them,' wrote Copley; 'it is without dout I think Vandyck did them before he came to England.' Back in New York Copley wrote, on October 17, requesting that a certain black dress of Mrs. Copley's be sent over at once. 'As we are much in company,' he said, 'we think it necessary Sukey [his wife] should have it, as her other Cloaths are mostly improper for her to wear'. On December 15 Copley informed Pelham that 'this Week finishes all my Business, no less than 37 Busts; so the weather permitting by Christmas we hope to be on the road.' Thus ended Copley's only American tour away from Boston. Accounts of his having painted in the South are without foundation. Most of the Southern portraits that have been popularly attributed to him were made by Henry Benbridge. His correspondents in England continued to urge Copley to undertake European studies. He saved an undated and unsigned letter from some one who wrote: 'Our people here are enrapture'd with him, he is compared to Vandyck, Reubens and all the great painters of Old.' His brother-in-law Jonathan Clarke, already in London, advised his 'comeing this way.' West wrote, on January 6, 1773: 'My Advice is, Mrs. Copley to remain in Boston till you have made this Tour [to Italy], After which, if you fix your place of reasidanc in London, Mrs. Copley to come over.' Political and economic conditions in Boston were increasingly turbulent. Copley's father-in-law, Mr. Clarke, was the merchant to whom was consigned the tea that provoked the Boston Tea Party. Copley's family connections were all Loyalists. He defended his wife's relatives at a meeting described in his letter of December 1, 1773. He wrote on April 26, 1774, of an unpleasant experience when a mob visited his house demanding the person of Col. George Watson, a Loyalist mandamus counselor who had gone elsewhere. The patriots having threatened to have his blood if he 'entertained any such Villain for the future,' Copley exclaimed: 'What a spirit! What if Mr. Watson had stayed (as I pressed him to) to spend the night. I must either have given up a friend to the insult of a Mob or had my house pulled down and perhaps my family murthered.' With many letters of introduction, all of which are published in the Copley-Pelham correspondence, Copley sailed from Boston in June 1774, leaving his mother, wife, and children in Henry Pelham's charge. He wrote on July 11 from London 'after a most easy and safe passage.' An early call was upon West, to 'find in him those amiable qualitys that makes his friendship boath desireable as an artist and as a Gentleman.' The American was duly introduced to Sir Joshua Reynolds and was taken to 'the Royal Academy where the Students had a naked model from which they were Drawing.' In London Copley took no sitters at this time though urged to do so. Shortly before leaving for Italy he 'dined with Gov'r Hutchinson, and I think there was 12 of us altogether, and all Bostonians, and we had Choice Salt Fish for Dinner.' On September 2, 1774, Copley chronicled his arrival at Paris (the beginning of a nine-month European tour), where he saw and painstakingly described many paintings and sculptures. His journey toward Rome was made in company of an artist named Carter, described as 'a captious, cross-grained and self conceited person who kept a regular journal of his tour in which he set down the smallest trifle that could bear a construction unfavorable to the American's character.' Carter was undoubtedly an uncongenial companion. Copley, however, may at times have been both depressing and bumptious. He found fault, according to Carter, with the French firewood because it gave out less heat than American wood, and he bragged of the art which America would produce when 'they shall have an independent government.' Copley's personal appearance was thus described by his uncharitable comrade: 'Very thin, a little pock-marked [presumably a souvenir of the Boston smallpox epidemic describ, Kennedy Galleries, Inc. / Da Capo Press, 1969, “THE FIRST CHILDREN IN OUTER SPACE WILL NOT BE ORDINARY.” For all of his excesses, it is the fundamental will of mankind to survive which drives him forward. The will of mankind would be tested many times. In early times, the simple agrarian society gave way to fiefdoms and a feudal system of existence. The need to exchange goods and services between communities called for the rise of mercantilism where, over time, individuals competed for trade routes and markets. The result of competition was the formation of the Nation State. Resources were consolidated, and mankind secured his wealth. In the middle period, industrialism was a natural consequence of the rise of the Nation State, where mankind continued to simply his toil and, for the first time, had leisure time. His excesses, using natural resources such as the streams and rivers, would challenge his ability to co-exist with the very environment that nurtured him. In the modern period, the computer age simplified man’s existence temporarily, but made the toil of many irrelevant. Population continued to soar and so did unemployment. There were food riots and civil strife. In his unquenchable need to recreate his environment, he thirsted for oil and metals, and bored deeper holes into the Earth, robbing it of its underpinnings. At the same time, he stripped his natural resources the very foundations of his society were stressed to the breaking point. In his dark hour, once more, man sought a solution to his plight through technological advances, and for the first time the Moon was viewed as a reachable natural resource and tempted him as a new place to conquer. MOON COLONY ONE (2041-2049) Prisoners were promised early release if they mined for a fraction of their sentence, and Moon Colony One was begun. Simple greed made this first effort to mine the resources of the Moon, unsustainable. In the first years of open markets, freelance companies competed to dominate access to the Earth Moon shipping lanes, when harvesting the yield of Earth Moon Colony mines meant instant wealth. The setting was ripe for political corruption fed by avarice. The opportunities for the theft of ore from the Moon was so great that large numbers of conscripted inmates aligned themselves with one faction or another to be on the receiving end of payoffs. Some miners amassed small fortunes through proxy bank accounts during their sentence. Organized men, acting as mob enforcers, got themselves arrested deliberately so that they could serve short sentences on the Moon to reinforce the commitment of recruited inmates. When security forces attempted to clamp down on the thefts, these greedy men resorted to sabotage, resulting in large shipments being sent adrift into space. The initial interventions of security forces, at the time, were harsh and prisoner uprisings led to the further destruction of property and the loss of life. In his attempt to pursue free market principles, the open venue of space trade routes proved too much for mankind, as his greed continued unchecked. The use of prison labor along with unregulated shipping was a lofty ideal at best, but regulation through government might threaten innovation. After the second of two uprisings, technological improvements made use of prison labor safer but at the cost of personal freedom and civil liberties. Previously unregulated shippers were forced by governments to unify under the Tri- Star Corporation. Many refused to cooperate and continued periodic threats of piracy, the ancient peril to exploration, development and progress. Moon Colony One was closed as a result of the deaths, thefts and disorganization it represented. MOON COLONY TWO (2050-present) Strictly controlled by space station personnel, with the Tri Star Corporation, Earth Moon Colony Two was in its fourth year when a small boy began his journey. Weight:0.25 lbs, CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 1/15/2011 0:00:00<

2011, ISBN: 9781456448981

�THE FIRST CHILDREN IN OUTER SPACE WILL NOT BE ORDINARY.� For all of his excesses, it is the fundamental will of mankind to survive which drives … Plus…

�THE FIRST CHILDREN IN OUTER SPACE WILL NOT BE ORDINARY.� For all of his excesses, it is the fundamental will of mankind to survive which drives him forward. The will of mankind would be tested many times. In early times, the simple agrarian society gave way to fiefdoms and a feudal system of existence. The need to exchange goods and services between communities called for the rise of mercantilism where, over time, individuals competed for trade routes and markets. The result of competition was the formation of the Nation State. Resources were consolidated, and mankind secured his wealth. In the middle period, industrialism was a natural consequence of the rise of the Nation State, where mankind continued to simply his toil and, for the first time, had leisure time. His excesses, using natural resources such as the streams and rivers, would challenge his ability to co-exist with the very environment that nurtured him. In the modern period, the computer age simplified man�s existence temporarily, but made the toil of many irrelevant. Population continued to soar and so did unemployment. There were food riots and civil strife. In his unquenchable need to recreate his environment, he thirsted for oil and metals, and bored deeper holes into the Earth, robbing it of its underpinnings. At the same time, he stripped his natural resources the very foundations of his society were stressed to the breaking point. In his dark hour, once more, man sought a solution to his plight through technological advances, and for the first time the Moon was viewed as a reachable natural resource and tempted him as a new place to conquer. MOON COLONY ONE (2041-2049) Prisoners were promised early release if they mined for a fraction of their sentence, and Moon Colony One was begun. Simple greed made this first effort to mine the resources of the Moon, unsustainable. In the first years of open markets, freelance companies competed to dominate access to the Earth Moon shipping lanes, when harvesting the yield of Earth Moon Colony mines meant instant wealth. The setting was ripe for political corruption fed by avarice. The opportunities for the theft of ore from the Moon was so great that large numbers of conscripted inmates aligned themselves with one faction or another to be on the receiving end of payoffs. Some miners amassed small fortunes through proxy bank accounts during their sentence. Organized men, acting as mob enforcers, got themselves arrested deliberately so that they could serve short sentences on the Moon to reinforce the commitment of recruited inmates. When security forces attempted to clamp down on the thefts, these greedy men resorted to sabotage, resulting in large shipments being sent adrift into space. The initial interventions of security forces, at the time, were harsh and prisoner uprisings led to the further destruction of property and the loss of life. In his attempt to pursue free market principles, the open venue of space trade routes proved too much for mankind, as his greed continued unchecked. The use of prison labor along with unregulated shipping was a lofty ideal at best, but regulation through government might threaten innovation. After the second of two uprisings, technological improvements made use of prison labor safer but at the cost of personal freedom and civil liberties. Previously unregulated shippers were forced by governments to unify under the Tri- Star Corporation. Many refused to cooperate and continued periodic threats of piracy, the ancient peril to exploration, development and progress. Moon Colony One was closed as a result of the deaths, thefts and disorganization it represented. MOON COLONY TWO (2050-present) Strictly controlled by space station personnel, with the Tri Star Corporation, Earth Moon Colony Two was in its fourth year when a small boy began his journey. Weight:0.25 lbs, CreateSpace Independent Publishing Platform, 1/15/2011 0:00:00<

ISBN: 1456448986

[EAN: 9781456448981], . This item is printed on demand